Tag Archives: treaty

The Next Era of Nuclear Arms Control

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Here is a recent Substack post from U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio on the next era of nuclear arms control.


The Cold War

During the Cold War, few negotiations proved as complex as those between the United States and the Soviet Union to limit and reduce their vast nuclear arsenals. They required trust between adversaries who had little reason to believe each other’s words, and they relied on intricate, constant systems to verify compliance. American statesmen persevered and reached a series of agreements first with the Soviet Union and then the Russian Federation that left the United States safer.

Everything has its season though and yesterday, New START expired.

Arms control advocates and many voices in the media have tried to cast the expiration as a sign that the United States is initiating a new nuclear arms race. These concerns ignore that Russia ceased implementing the New START treaty in 2023, after flouting its terms for years. A treaty requires at least two parties, and the choice before the United States was to bind itself unilaterally or to recognize that a new era requires a new approach. Not the same old START, but something new. A treaty that reflects that the United States could soon face not one, but two, nuclear peers in Russia and China.

China Arsenal

China’s rapid and opaque expansion of its nuclear arsenal since New START entered into force has rendered past models of arms control, based upon bilateral agreements between the United States and Russia, obsolete. Since 2020, China has increased its nuclear weapons stockpile from the low 200s to more than 600 and is on pace to have more than 1,000 warheads by 2030. An arms control arrangement that does not account for China’s build-up, which Russia is supporting, will undoubtedly leave the United States and our allies less safe.

President Trump has been clear, consistent, and unequivocal that future arms control must address not one, but both nuclear peer arsenals.

Our call for multilateral nuclear arms control and strategic stability talks, presented today in Geneva, reflects the principles President Trump has laid out.

No Longer A Bilateral Issue

First, arms control can no longer be a bilateral issue between the United States and Russia. As the President has made clear, other countries have a responsibility to help ensure strategic stability, none more so than China. Second, we will not accept terms that harm the United States or ignore noncompliance in the pursuit of a future agreement. We have made our standards clear, and we will not compromise them to achieve arms control for arms control’s sake. Third, we will always negotiate from a position of strength. Russia and China should not expect the United States to stand still while they shirk their obligations and expand their nuclear forces. We will maintain a robust, credible, and modernized nuclear deterrent. But we will do so while pursuing all avenues to fulfill the President’s genuine desire for a world with fewer of these awful weapons.

We understand that this process can take time. Past agreements, including New START, took years to negotiate and were built upon decades of precedent. They were also between two powers, not three or more. However, just because something is hard does not mean we should not pursue it or settle for less. No one understands that difficult deals are often the only ones worth having more than President Trump, who has repeatedly underscored the awesome power of nuclear weapons and his desire to reduce global nuclear threats. Today in Geneva, we are taking the first steps into a future where the global nuclear threat is reduced in reality, not merely on paper. We hope others will join us.

Marco Rubio was sworn in as the 72nd Secretary of State on January 21, 2025. The Secretary is creating a Department of State that puts America First.

Investor-State Disputes Proliferating, Rules Remain Critical for Canada Business Investment

May 9, 2023 – Investor-state disputes are proliferating around the globe as business investors seek redress for government actions they deem unfair or contrary to investment agreements, according to report from the C.D. Howe Institute. In “Investor-State Disputes: The Record and the Reforms Needed for the Road Ahead,” author and C.D. Howe Institute Senior Fellow Lawrence L. Herman reviews the record of investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) procedures, the criticisms directed at them, and the reforms required.

“Despite concerns and criticism, ISDS procedures in international investment agreements are an important development in global governance that should continue to be a part of our international fabric,” says Herman.

Herman examines both Canadian and global cases involving ISDSs, which give private parties the right to bring binding arbitration against governments under International Investment Agreements (IIAs). These rights can be invoked when investors allege a lack of fair and equitable treatment, discrimination or expropriation without adequate compensation contrary to a country’s treaty obligations.

“ISDS has become a significant feature for investments, particularly into developing countries in many parts of the world,” according to Herman.

“However, because of the rights given to private parties, these agreements have become increasingly controversial – especially in an era of increasingly expanding governmental measures on climate change, sustainability, human rights and other issues impacting foreign investors and their investments in one way or another.”

In response to these concerns, multilateral, regional and bilateral efforts are making continuing improvements to ISDS mechanisms when it comes to efficiency, transparency and aspects such as permanent appointments and a system of appeals.

“While some countries have embarked on a program of terminating their bilateral investment agreements, these agreements will continue to remain as a part of the international fabric in many parts of the globe,” says Herman. “They are an important development in global governance and, even if not perfect, they not going to disappear in spite of concerns and criticisms.”

Creating permanent rosters of tribunal members as well as adding an appellate review processes to existing IIAs would help improve ISDS procedures. Short of this, Herman says ongoing efforts could include: i) promoting model arbitration clauses to reduce legal uncertainty and enhance consistency and predictability of outcomes; ii) developing codes of conduct and best practices for adjudicators plus rules to ensure their independence; and iii) making sure appointments to tribunals are of highest quality. Governments should also publicly support the value of third-party arbitration as an objective and neutral process that leads to peaceful resolution of differences, he adds.

Ultimately, investment protection treaties are about risk mitigation with host states bound by treaty to respect obligations of fair and equitable treatment and other rule-of-law standards and providing investors with a degree of assurance, says Herman. “While there are legitimate questions about the process and whether and to what degree investment treaties accomplish these objectives, these suggestions can assist in providing ways forward,” he concludes.

There are some 2,500 international investment agreements (IIAs) in force around the world, whether as stand-alone treaties or incorporated into bilateral or regional free trade agreements (FTAs). They are a significant feature of the international business scene.

A main feature of these agreements is to allow foreign investors to invoke binding arbitration where it is alleged that the host governments have breached fair and equitable treatment and other treaty obligations towards the investors. This is known as Investor-State Dispute Settlement or “ISDS”.

The process gives foreign investors comfort that if things go wrong in host countries, they have recourse to neutral, third-party dispute resolution. It thus provides important elements of risk reduction for foreign investors and their investments, notably aiding the flow of capital from industrialized countries to the developing world.

There has been dramatic escalation of investor arbitration claims over the last two decades. This makes it timely and useful to review the situation, looking at the value of ISDS as well as the criticisms that have emerged over the years. The conclusion is that IIAs and the arbitration process are valuable parts of the corpus of international order and will remain an integral part of the international business scene for the foreseeable future. The issue facing governments, therefore, is how to respond to criticisms by improving, as opposed to abandoning, the ISDS process. This paper suggests some pragmatic ways forward.

A Canadian company, First Quantum Minerals, and the government of Panama are reported to have settled a long-standing tax dispute allowing the company to resume operations at the Cobre Panama mine in that country. Earlier reports were that if the dispute was not resolved by negotiation, the company would invoke arbitration rights under the Canada-Panama Free Trade Agreement.

Had the dispute proceeded, it would have been another example of hundreds of arbitrations that have proliferated around the globe, initiated under various international investment agreements (IIAs) that give private parties the right to bring binding arbitration against governments under Investor-State Dispute Settlement ( ISDS) procedures. Those rights can be invoked, for example, where investors allege lack of fair and equitable treatment, discrimination or expropriation without adequate compensation contrary to that country’s treaty obligations.

In addition to investment treaties, numerous free trade agreements incorporate separate investment dispute settlement provisions, including the former North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA); the Canada-EU trade agreement (CETA); the Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) Agreement; and bilateral free trade agreements, such as those between Canada and countries like Chile and South Korea, among others.

As a consequence, ISDS has become a significant feature of the ground rules for investments in many parts of the world, particularly those made into developing countries. Because of the rights given to private parties, these agreements have become increasingly controversial, especially in an era of expanding governmental measures on climate change, sustainability, human rights and more that impact foreign investors and their investments.

In light of these developments, it is useful to briefly update the ISDS record with regard to Canada, look at what lessons might emerge, both in the global and the Canadian context, and suggest some elements to monitor as we go forward.

Criticisms Of ISDS Agreements

As investor arbitrations have proliferated, so have the criticisms, making ISDS one of the more controversial aspects of global governance. Here are some of the main ones:

  • IIAs have given private companies broad rights to challenge host-country actions that can fall within legitimate fields of public regulation, especially now in an era of decarbonization and other national crises like COVID 19.
  • The process involves one-way litigation, with no corresponding right of host countries to bring arbitration cases against investors for disregarding laws, practices and standards of business conduct.
  • The growth of third-party financings of investor claims has stimulated, or at least encouraged, the initiation of ISDS cases.
  • Investment agreements bypass the customary international law norm that requires claimants to first exhaust local remedies before bringing an international claim against a host country.
  • The ISDS structure is defective because its ad hoc tribunals – put together to hear a particular case – make long-term, binding decisions affecting laws or policies enacted for the public interest.
  • Arbitrators’ decisions are final and binding with no avenue of appeal, whether on errors of fact or of law.
  • Because of its ad hoc nature, the system lacks institutional continuity. Public confidence in the system suffers.
  • Arbitrators are appointed from a small — if not closed – pool of international lawyers who are free to act for private interests as counsel in other cases, leading to appearances of conflict and adding to diminished public confidence in the process.7

There are answers to these critiques but the over-arching response, as alluded to above, is that resolving investor-state disputes based on legal norms within an accepted procedural framework remains a significant achievement in the progressive development of international law. As observed in one analysis,

“During the last decade a number of the shortcomings have indeed been addressed and remedied. It is reasonable to assume that this has been done – at least partially – based on the realisation that investment treaty arbitration is the most efficient and reliable dispute settlement mechanism for disputes between foreign investors and host States. There is simply no better, realistic alternative.”8

As already mentioned, ISDS in its various manifestations provides an important element of stability and risk insurance when investing in jurisdictions where legal rules may not be mature or respected, aiding the flow of capital to developing countries and thus presumably helping to meet the international community’s aid and development goals. The system may not be perfect, but efforts are afoot to improve it at many levels.

For the Silo, Lawrence Herman/C.D. Howe Institute.

The author thanks Daniel Schwanen, Charles-Emmanuel Côté, Rick Ekstein, Ari Van Assche, Gus Van Harten and anonymous reviewers for comments on an earlier draft. The author retains responsibility for any errors and the views expressed.

New First Nations Treaty Map Introduced Into Ontario Schools

"The treaty maps and related curriculum materials distributed in our schools across Ontario will help provide our students with greater knowledge and a stronger appreciation of contemporary and traditional First Nation traditions, cultures, and perspectives." Liz Sandals Minister of Education
“The treaty maps and related curriculum materials distributed in our schools across
Ontario will help provide our students with greater knowledge and a stronger
appreciation of contemporary and traditional First Nation traditions, cultures, and
perspectives.”
Liz Sandals
Minister of Education

Ontario is sending a First Nations and Treaties map to every elementary and high school in the province as a first step towards raising awareness about treaties. The map will help teach students about the significance of treaties and the shared history of First Nations and non-Aboriginal Ontarians.

In partnership with First Nation leaders, new school curriculum about treaties is being developed to give students a better understanding of First Nation communities, cultures and perspectives. Ontario will also be working with First Nation partners to look for other opportunities to raise awareness and to better understand different perspectives on treaties and related issues.

Working with First Nations is part of the government’s plan that is creating jobs for today and tomorrow and focuses on Ontario’s greatest strengths — its people and strategic partnerships.

Quick Facts

A treaty is a negotiated agreement that sets out the rights, responsibilities and relationships of Aboriginal people and the Crown, including the federal and provincial governments.

First Nations and Treaties is the first detailed map of treaties that the Ontario government has published since the 1940s.

Prior to contact with Europeans, First Nations were distinct, independent nations. The treaties they made with the Crown reflect a mutual commitment to working together on areas of common interest and mutual benefit.

Ontario is covered by 46 treaties and other agreements such as land purchases by the Crown signed between 1781 and 1930.

Quotes

David Zimmer
David Zimmer

“Treaties are the foundation of the relationship between First Nation communities
and their neighbours. By working together, we are able to better understand one
another – our views, our beliefs, and the treaties without which our province would
not exist.” David Zimmer  Minister of Aboriginal Affairs

“The treaty maps and related curriculum materials distributed in our schools across
Ontario will help provide our students with greater knowledge and a stronger
appreciation of contemporary and traditional First Nation traditions, cultures, and
perspectives.” Liz Sandals   Minister of Education

“In the Report of the Ipperwash Inquiry I noted that one initiative on which virtually everyone agreed was the importance of teaching Ontarians about treaties and Aboriginal people. This treaties map and the Ontario curriculum introduced since the Inquiry are important steps on the road to reconciliation and wider recognition that we are all treaty people.” The Honourable Sidney B. Linden Commissioner

Chief Thomas Bressette
Chief Thomas Bressette

“The province of Ontario exists as it does because First Nations and settlers made treaties in the past. Those treaties remain vital agreements today. A better understanding of those treaties through education, public awareness and discussion is fundamental to a more prosperous tomorrow for all Ontarians.”  Chief Tom Bressette   Chippewas of Kettle and Stony Point First Nation

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